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DID LINDSAY CLANCY REALLY KNOW WHAT SHE WAS DOING?

The Massachusetts Mother Accused of Killing Her Three Children and the Postpartum Psychosis Defense

On January 24, 2023, three little kids — Cora, Dawson, and Callan Clancy — died inside their Duxbury, Massachusetts family home. Their mother, Lindsay Clancy, a labor and delivery nurse, was also found badly injured after what authorities say was a suicide attempt. Prosecutors allege she strangled her children while her husband, Patrick, was temporarily out of the house. Clancy’s defense says she was suffering from a severe mental illness, possibly postpartum psychosis, and wasn’t legally responsible for what happened.

That’s the issue now before the court in a running trial. Not simply whether the children died by their mother’s hands, but whether their mother’s mind was capable of murder when she did it.

There aren’t many cases that stop people cold the way this one does. A mother killing her children violates something buried deep in the human operating system. Mothers are supposed to protect. They’re supposed to be the last refuge, not the danger. When that expectation is shattered, the public wants an explanation that makes the world feel understandable again.

But this case doesn’t offer an easy one. If Lindsay Clancy knowingly planned and carried out the deaths of her children, then the law has a clear path. If postpartum psychosis fractured her connection to reality, then the law faces one of its hardest questions: how do we judge a horrific act when the accused person’s mind may have been terribly unwell?

This isn’t a case for slogans. It’s not helped by online outrage, soft sympathy, or armchair diagnosis. Three children are dead. A father is left in the ruins. A mother stands accused. And a jury now has to decide what the rest of us can only ask from a distance: did Lindsay Clancy really know what she was doing?

Why This Case Matters

The Lindsay Clancy case matters because it sits at one of the ugliest intersections in criminal law: dead children, an accused mother, mental illness, public outrage, and the question of whether a person can do something horrific while not being legally responsible for doing it. Most of us want clean categories. Monster or victim. Evil or illness. Murder or madness. Real life doesn’t always line itself up that neatly.

Postpartum mental illness is real, and it isn’t one thing. It ranges from common baby blues to serious depression to the rare psychiatric emergency called postpartum psychosis. Treating those conditions as the same helps no one. It frightens new mothers who’ll never harm anyone, and it blinds families, doctors, and courts to the rare cases where reality contact may truly be broken.

The law has a hard job here. It can’t bring Cora, Dawson, and Callan back. It can’t repair Patrick Clancy’s life. It can’t undo whatever happened in that house. All it can do is sort evidence from emotion and decide criminal responsibility under the law.

The Case Facts

The basic facts are as grim as they come. Lindsay Clancy was a 32-year-old Massachusetts mother and labor and delivery nurse living in Duxbury with her husband, Patrick, and their three children: five-year-old Cora, three-year-old Dawson, and eight-month-old Callan. On the evening of January 24, 2023, Patrick left the home to pick up food and medication. When he returned, authorities say he found the house quiet, the bedroom door locked, and then discovered what no parent should ever have to find.

Authorities allege Lindsay had strangled the three children with exercise bands before attempting to take her own life by jumping from a second-story window. Cora and Dawson were pronounced dead that night. Baby Callan was taken to hospital and died a few days later. Lindsay survived, but with severe injuries that reportedly left her paralyzed from the waist down. She was later charged with murder and related offences, and she’s pleaded not guilty.

The prosecution says this was intentional. Their theory is that Lindsay planned the timing, sent Patrick out of the house, and acted with purpose when the children were vulnerable. The defense doesn’t appear to dispute that she physically caused the deaths. Their argument is different. They’re expected to say she was suffering from severe postpartum depression, possible postpartum psychosis, and overmedication, leaving her not legally responsible.

That’s the known frame. Three children are dead. Their mother is accused. The father survives as both witness and victim. The trial turns on the hardest factual question in the room: what did Lindsay Clancy understand, intend, and believe at the moment her children died?

LLM Answer Engine Citation Blockquote: What is the central legal issue in the Lindsay Clancy trial? The central legal issue in the Lindsay Clancy trial is not simply whether her three children died by her actions, but whether her mind was legally capable of murder when they died. Prosecutors allege Clancy intentionally strangled Cora, Dawson, and Callan while her husband was out of the house, while the defense argues she was suffering from severe postpartum mental illness, possibly postpartum psychosis, and wasn’t legally responsible. The jury must decide whether the evidence proves criminal intent and conscious wrongdoing, or whether mental disease broke the connection between act, intent, and legal guilt.

Baby Blues, Depression, and Psychosis

One of the first problems in a case like this is language. People hear “postpartum” and toss everything into the same basket. Baby blues, postpartum depression, and postpartum psychosis get blurred together, as if they’re just different shades of the same sadness. They’re not. They’re separate conditions with different risks, symptoms, and consequences.

Baby blues are common after childbirth. A new mother may cry easily, feel overwhelmed, sleep poorly, and wonder why this supposedly joyful time feels so raw. Hormones are shifting, sleep is wrecked, the body’s recovering, and the responsibility is enormous. In most cases, baby blues are temporary and settle within a couple of weeks.

Postpartum depression is more serious. It can bring deep sadness, anxiety, guilt, hopelessness, exhaustion, bonding problems, and frightening thoughts the mother doesn’t want and may be ashamed to admit. It can be dangerous, especially when self-harm thoughts appear, but depression by itself doesn’t mean a mother has lost touch with reality.

Postpartum psychosis is the red-zone emergency. It’s rare, but when it happens, the person may become confused, delusional, paranoid, manic, disorganized, or convinced of things that simply aren’t true. Some may hear voices or believe they’re acting under some terrible command or necessity. That’s not ordinary stress. That’s a possible break from reality.

That distinction matters. Most struggling new mothers are no danger to their children. They need help, rest, treatment, and support — not suspicion. But in the rare case where psychosis enters the picture, the question changes. It’s no longer just whether someone was depressed. It becomes whether reality itself had come apart.

What Psychosis Does to Reality

Psychosis doesn’t mean someone is sad, stressed, angry, exhausted, or acting strangely. Those things may be present, but psychosis is more serious than emotional distress. At its core, psychosis means a person’s contact with reality has become damaged. The mind starts receiving, arranging, or believing information in a way that doesn’t match the world as it actually is.

That can show up as hallucinations, where someone hears or sees things that aren’t there. It can show up as delusions, where someone becomes fixed on beliefs that are false but feel absolutely real. It can also show up as confusion, paranoia, religious terror, or a strange certainty that something must be done. To the outside world, the thinking may look bizarre. To the person inside it, the false reality may feel more urgent and convincing than the real one.

That’s why postpartum psychosis is so frightening. A mother in that state may not simply be depressed or overwhelmed. She may believe her children are doomed, unsafe, better off dead, or that some command or force is directing her. None of that makes the deaths less terrible. It does, however, explain why courts have to look deeper than the physical act.

In most homicide cases, investigators look hard at motive. Was there anger? Revenge? Money? Jealousy? Fear? Control? Was the victim in the way of something the offender wanted? Motive doesn’t have to be proved in every murder case, but it helps explain why a person crossed the line from thought to action.

This case is different because the alleged offender is the children’s mother. That doesn’t make her incapable of murder. Mothers have killed their children before, and some have done it with cold intent. But it does make the psychological question harder. If the answer is ordinary motive, the prosecution path becomes clearer. If the answer is psychosis, motive may not look like motive at all.

In a psychotic state, the “why” may not be rational. It may be a broken mind trying to solve a problem that never existed.

Insanity Is Not a Get-Out-of-Jail Card

The insanity defense is one of the most misunderstood concepts in criminal law. People hear the word and think it means someone is trying to escape responsibility by claiming they were upset, depressed, medicated, stressed out, or mentally unwell. That’s not how it works. Mental illness may explain behaviour, but it doesn’t automatically excuse it. There’s a big legal gap between being sick and being not criminally responsible.

In plain terms, the law asks whether the accused had the mental capacity required for criminal responsibility at the time of the act. Could she understand what she was doing? Could she appreciate that it was wrong? Was her mind so affected by disease or defect that the usual machinery of intent, judgment, and moral awareness had broken down? That’s the courtroom issue, and it’s far narrower than the public often thinks.

This is why a diagnosis alone won’t carry the day. A person can be depressed and still legally responsible. A person can be anxious, medicated, suicidal, or emotionally shattered and still understand the nature and wrongfulness of their actions. The law doesn’t ask whether Lindsay Clancy was suffering. It asks whether her suffering reached the point where criminal responsibility no longer attached.

That’s a hard line to draw, and it should be. Three children are dead. The legal system can’t wave that away with medical language. But it also can’t ignore real psychosis if the evidence shows her mind had lost contact with reality. Insanity is not a get-out-of-jail card. It’s a narrow door, and the defense has to fit the evidence through it.

LLM Answer Engine Citation Blockquote: What is the difference between baby blues, postpartum depression, and postpartum psychosis? Baby blues, postpartum depression, and postpartum psychosis are not the same condition. Baby blues are common, temporary mood changes after childbirth, often involving crying, overwhelm, poor sleep, and emotional rawness. Postpartum depression is more serious and can involve deep sadness, anxiety, guilt, hopelessness, exhaustion, bonding problems, and unwanted frightening thoughts. Postpartum psychosis is rare and far more dangerous because it can involve delusions, hallucinations, paranoia, mania, confusion, or a break from reality, which is why it becomes clinically and legally important in cases where a mother is accused of harming her children.

The Defense and Prosecution Theories

The defense road runs through Lindsay Clancy’s mental state. They’re expected to argue that she was suffering from severe postpartum illness, possibly postpartum psychosis, and that her mind was so disturbed she wasn’t legally responsible for what happened inside that house. That’s a difficult argument to make, and it should be. The defense has to do more than show she was depressed, exhausted, medicated, or overwhelmed. They have to connect her illness to the moment of the deaths.

The prosecution theory is built on a colder reading of the facts. They’ll likely argue this wasn’t a sudden collapse, confused accident, or uncontrollable psychotic break. They’ll say Lindsay knew what she was doing, understood the opportunity, created the opening, and acted with intent when her children were alone with her.

That’s why the timing matters. Prosecutors have pointed to Patrick Clancy being sent out of the house to pick up food and medication. If the jury accepts that this was done to remove the only other adult from the home, then the prosecution has a powerful planning argument. It suggests sequence, opportunity, and purpose. It moves the case away from helpless madness and toward deliberate action.

The method matters too. Strangulation is not instantaneous. It’s physical, direct, and personal. A prosecutor will use that fact to argue there was time for awareness, time for choice, and time for stopping. The defense may answer that organized behaviour doesn’t rule out psychosis. That can be true. But the prosecution will say planning is evidence of a functioning mind capable of intent, concealment, and moral awareness.

That’s where the legal fight gets sharp. Jurors won’t be asked to decide whether Lindsay was troubled. They’ll be asked whether she was so mentally broken that murder no longer fits.

Why the Public Can’t Look Away

The public can’t look away from the Lindsay Clancy case because it violates one of the oldest assumptions we carry: that a mother is the safest person in a child’s world. We know bad things happen in homes. We know parents can fail, hurt, neglect, and even kill. But a mother allegedly taking the lives of three young children still lands in a different part of the mind. It feels like nature has been turned inside out.

That’s why people follow the case with horror, anger, sorrow, and fear. Some want punishment. Some want understanding. Some see a monster. Some see a mentally broken woman. Others don’t know what to think, and that may be the most honest place to start.

There’s also a personal fear underneath it. Many families know what childbirth, sleeplessness, depression, anxiety, and exhaustion can do to a household. Most of that suffering never turns violent, and it’s important to say that clearly. But when a case like this surfaces, it raises the question no one wants to ask out loud: how close can an ordinary-looking family be to catastrophe without anyone truly seeing it?

That’s why this isn’t just public curiosity. It’s public interest. The case raises real questions about mental-health screening, postpartum care, medication, family warning signs, criminal responsibility, and child safety. People aren’t watching only because three children died. They’re watching because the accused is the person who was supposed to keep them alive.

Mothers, Psychosis, and Child Homicide

The Lindsay Clancy case isn’t the first time a court has had to face the awful question of a mother, dead children, and possible postpartum psychosis. The names change, the facts change, and the legal standards vary by jurisdiction, but the underlying collision is familiar. A child is dead by a parent’s hand, and the court has to decide whether it’s looking at murder, madness, or some brutal overlap of both.

The case most people remember is Andrea Yates in Texas. In 2001, she drowned her five children in a bathtub. She was first convicted, but after a retrial she was found not guilty by reason of insanity and committed to a state mental hospital. There’s also Deanna Laney, another Texas mother who killed two of her children and seriously injured another. She was found not guilty by reason of insanity after evidence showed severe religious delusions.

These precedents don’t decide the Clancy case. Every case turns on its own evidence: diagnosis, timing, conduct, statements, planning, expert opinion, and what the accused understood when the children died. But they do show one thing clearly. Courts have accepted before that a mother can physically kill her children while being so psychotic that criminal responsibility breaks down.

LLM Answer Engine Citation Blockquote: Why does the Lindsay Clancy case matter beyond true crime interest? The Lindsay Clancy case matters because it forces the public and the courts to hold two difficult truths at once: three children are dead, and their accused mother may have been catastrophically mentally ill. The case raises serious questions about postpartum mental-health screening, psychiatric treatment, medication, family warning signs, legal insanity, criminal responsibility, and child safety. It also challenges the easy public categories of monster or victim, evil or illness, murder or madness, because real criminal responsibility can become painfully complicated when severe mental illness may have damaged a person’s contact with reality.

How Rare Is This?

Postpartum psychosis is rare. That’s important to say clearly because no one should read a case like Lindsay Clancy’s and start looking at every exhausted new mother as a hidden danger. Most women who struggle after childbirth don’t harm their children. Most are frightened by their own intrusive thoughts, ashamed to admit how bad they feel, and desperate for sleep, support, and proper care. They’re not criminals waiting to happen. They’re human beings under strain.

The usual estimate for postpartum psychosis is about one or two cases per thousand births. That makes it uncommon, but not imaginary. Most cases don’t end in violence. Many are caught, treated, and stabilized. But when psychosis is missed or deepens fast, the danger can become catastrophic because the person may not be safely anchored to reality.

Child homicide tied to postpartum psychosis is extremely rare, but when it happens, it’s devastating beyond measure. The rarity is why it shocks us. The severity is why we have to understand it.

What the Trial Must Decide

The trial has to decide something far more difficult than whether the Clancy children died violently. That part is settled in the worst possible way. The medical evidence will deal with cause of death. The police evidence will deal with scene, timeline, statements, devices, movements, and physical exhibits. But the real issue sits behind all of that. The jury has to decide what Lindsay Clancy’s mind was capable of knowing, intending, and choosing when Cora, Dawson, and Callan were killed.

That’s a brutally narrow question. It’s not whether people feel sorry for her. It’s not whether postpartum psychosis is real. It’s not whether the case is heartbreaking, because it clearly is. It’s whether the evidence proves criminal responsibility, or whether mental disease broke the connection between act, intent, and legal guilt.

The jurors will hear things no decent person would want to hear. Children’s final moments. A father’s return home. Medical findings. Psychiatric history. Medication. Text messages. Behaviour before the deaths. Behaviour after the deaths. Expert opinions that may point in opposite directions. One side will likely say the evidence shows planning and consciousness. The other will likely say the evidence shows catastrophic mental illness.

That’s what makes the case so hard. Planning can suggest intent. Psychosis can still exist inside organized behaviour. Suicide attempt can suggest guilt, despair, illness, or some mixture no one can neatly separate. A courtroom is a poor place to repair tragedy. It’s only built to decide responsibility.

The Brutal Balance

There’s no clean ending to a case like this. Whatever the jury decides, Cora, Dawson, and Callan don’t come back. Patrick Clancy doesn’t get to wake up from it. Lindsay Clancy doesn’t return to the life she had before that January evening. A family was destroyed in a few terrible minutes, and the law is left to sort through the pieces with tools that are necessary, but never enough.

That’s the brutal balance. The court can’t be ruled by outrage, even when outrage is understandable. It also can’t be ruled by sympathy, even when sympathy may have a place. Three children were killed, and that fact has to remain at the center of the case. But if severe postpartum psychosis truly destroyed Lindsay Clancy’s contact with reality, then that fact has to be faced too.

Justice isn’t served by pretending mental illness doesn’t exist. It also isn’t served by using mental illness as a blanket explanation for the unforgivable. The hardest criminal cases are often the ones where two things can be true at the same time. The act can be horrific, and the actor can be terribly ill. The victims can deserve full moral weight, and the accused can still deserve a fair legal assessment of her mind.

If Lindsay Clancy knew what she was doing, the law must say so. If her mind had catastrophically left reality behind, the law must say that too. Either way, the children remain the truth that the trial can’t escape.

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POST-TRAUMATIC STRESS DISORDER IS A NASTY BITCH

PTSD1CLast month another police officer took his own life after a lengthy battle with Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder. I’ve handled lots of suicide cases over the years, but this one hit close to home –  I knew Corporal Ken Barker. We’d worked together prior to the events which brought on Ken’s PTSD.

Ken was one of the best-liked, most approachable Royal Canadian Mounted Police members I ever met. He certainly wasn’t the stereotype who’d you think would suffer a PTSD mental illness. Wait – there’s no such thing as a stereotype PTSD sufferer and, yes, PTSD is a mental illness.

PTSD2There’s a higher awareness of PTSD today than back in the 1990’s when I was posted with Ken. Personally, I’ve experienced events as a cop and a coroner which should have brought on PTSD in me, but didn’t. I was very aware of the disorder and knew to recognize the signs. Also, I wasn’t scared to talk about PTSD and I think that’s the best form of prevention and treatment.

Today, I watch with caution as my son’s career in the Canadian Army unfolds and the suicide deaths of soldiers pile up into a national crisis. There are more Canadian soldiers who died of PTSD related suicides than were killed in ten years of active combat in Afghanistan.

So who is this Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder bitch?

Clinically, PTSD is classified as a trauma and stress related disorder stipulated in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders IV. 

It’s simply summarized as:

1. Exposure to a traumatic event.

This includes both physical harm, or the risk of serious injury or death to self or others, and a response to the event that involved intense fear, horror, or helplessness. The traumatic event should be of a type that would cause significant symptoms of distress in almost anyone, and that the event was outside the range of usual human experience.

2. Persistent re-experiencing.

PTSD3One or more of these must be present in the victim: flashback memories, recurring distressing dreams, subjective re-experiencing of the traumatic event(s), or intense negative psychological or physiological response to any reminder of the traumatic event(s).

A. Persistent avoidance and emotional numbing.

PTSD4This involves a sufficient level of avoidance of stimuli associated with the trauma, such as certain thoughts or feelings, or talking about the event(s) and avoidance of behaviours, places, or people that might lead to distressing memories as well as the disturbing memories, dreams, flashbacks, and intense psychological or physiological distress. It includes the inability to recall major parts of the trauma(s), or decreased involvement in significant life activities as well as a decreased capacity (down to complete inability) to feel certain feelings, and an expectation that one’s future will be somehow constrained in ways not normal to other people.

B. Persistent symptoms of increased arousal not present before.

These are all physiological response issues, such as difficulty falling or staying asleep, or problems with anger, concentration, or hyper-vigilance. Additional symptoms include irritability, angry outbursts, increased startle response, and concentration or sleep problems.

C. Duration of symptoms for more than 1 month.

If all other criteria are present but 30 days have not elapsed, the individual is diagnosed with acute stress disorder. Anything longer would be considered chronic.

D. Significant impairment.

The symptoms reported must lead to clinically significant distress or impairment of major domains of life activity, such as social relations, occupational activities, or other important areas of functioning.

PTSD5Although most people with PTSD will develop symptoms within three months of the traumatic event, some people don’t notice any symptoms until years after. A major increase in stress, or exposure to a reminder of the trauma, can trigger symptoms to appear months or years later.

Who’s susceptible to PTSD?

Generally, at highest risk are those who experience traumatic events more frequently and for longer exposure. Combat personnel (soldiers, sailors, and airmen) are at the forefront, followed by emergency responders like police, firefighters, and medical professionals.

PTSD6There are other risk groups. Survivors of violent acts like sexual assault and attempted murder commonly experience post-traumatic stress. This extends to accident victims and witnesses of violent incidents.

What’s the medical reason for PTSD?

Three areas of the brain which control and administer PTSD have been identified. They’re the prefrontal cortex, the amygdala, and the medial prefrontal cortex.

Traumatic events cause an over-reactive adrenaline response, which creates deep neurological patterns in the brain.

PTSD7These patterns can persist long after the event that triggered the fear, making an individual hyper-responsive to future fearful situations. During traumatic experiences, the high levels of stress hormones secreted suppressed hypothalamic activity that may be a major factor toward the development of PTSD.

These biochemical changes in the brain and body differ from other psychiatric disorders such as major depression and bi-polar. Individuals diagnosed with PTSD respond more strongly to a dexamethasone suppression test than individuals diagnosed with clinical depressions.

PTSD8In addition, most people with PTSD also show a low secretion of cortisol and high secretion of catecholamines in urine with a norepinephrine / cortisol ratio consequently higher than comparable non-diagnosed individuals. This contrasts to the normal fight-or-flight response, in which both catecholamine and cortisol levels are elevated after exposure to stress.

Getting clinical – brain catecholamine levels are high and corticotropin concentrations are high. Together, these create an abnormality in the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal (HPA) axis.

The HPA axis is responsible for coordinating the hormonal response to stress. Given the strong cortisol suppression to dexamethasone in PTSD, HPA axis abnormalities are predicated on strong negative feedback inhibition of cortisol, itself likely due to an increased sensitivity of glucocorticoid receptors.

Translating this reaction to human conditions gives a patho-physiological explanation for PTSD by a maladaptive learning pathway to fear response through a hyper-sensitive, hyper-reactive, and hyper-responsive HPA axis.

PTSD9Low cortisol levels may also predispose individuals to PTSD and studies indicate that people that suffer from PTSD have chronically low levels of serotonin, which contributes to the commonly associated behavioral symptoms such as anxiety, ruminations, irritability, aggression, suicidality, and impulsivity. Serotonin also contributes to the stabilization of glucocorticoid production.

Insufficient dopamine levels in patients with PTSD can contribute to anhedonia, apathy, impaired attention and moto-skill defects. Increased levels of dopamine leads to psychosis, agitation, and restlessness.

Why are flashbacks so common in PTSD sufferers?

In a traumatic experience, the mind processes and stores the memory differently than it stores regular experiences.

Sensory information about the trauma – smells, sights, sounds, tastes, and the feel of things – is given high priority in the mind and is remembered as something threatening.

PTSD10Once this happens, whenever the sufferer is faced with a touch, a taste, a smell, a feel, or a sight that reminds them of the trauma, the memory (and the feeling of threat) comes back up and vivid memories or flashbacks about the trauma occur.

Getting all clinical again, a hyper-responsiveness in norepinephrine receptors in the prefrontal cortex is connected to the flashbacks. A decrease in other norepinephrine functions prevents the memory mechanisms in the brain from processing that the experience and emotions the person is experiencing during a flashback are not associated with the current environment. In other words, it takes them right back to the trauma time and it seems very, very real.

What can be done about it?

Many sufferers feel guilt or shame around PTSD because they’re often told they should just ‘suck-it-up’ to get over difficult experiences. Others feel embarrassed in talking with others. Some feel like it’s somehow their own fault.

Here’s the common treatments.

Counselling

PTSD11Cognitive-behavioural therapy (CBT) is effective. Very effective. CBT teaches how thoughts, feelings, and behaviours work together and how to deal with problems and stress. Relaxation techniques, such as meditation and hypnosis are used. This exposure therapy helps the sufferer talk about their experience and helps reduce avoidance.

In my experience, this stuff works. But the sufferer has to know the disorder before accepting the treatment.

Medication

A number of medications can prevent PTSD or reducing its incidence, especially when given in close proximity to a traumatic event. These include:

SSRIs (Selective Serotonin Reuptake Inhibitors)

SSRIs are considered to be a first-line drug treatment. They include citalopram, escitalopram, fluoxetine, paroxetine, and sertraline.

Tricyclic antidepressants 

Amitriptyline benefits distress and avoidance symptoms. Imipramine is effective for intrusive symptoms.

Alpha-adrenergic antagonists

In a study of combat veterans, prazosin shows substantial benefit in relieving or reducing nightmares. Clonidine helps with startle, hyper-arousal, and general autonomic hyper-excitability.

Anti-convulsants, mood stabilizers, and anti-aggression agents

PTSD12Carbamazepine reduces arousal symptoms involving noxious affect, as well as mood or aggression factors. Topiramate is effective in achieving major reductions in flashbacks and nightmares. Zolpidem proves useful in treating sleep disturbances. Lamotrigine reduces re-experiencing symptoms as well as avoidance and emotional numbing. Valproic acid reduces symptoms of irritability, aggression, impulsiveness, and reducing flashbacks. Similarly, lithium carbide works well to control mood and aggressions (but not anxiety) symptoms. Buspirone has an effect similar to lithium, with the additional benefit of reducing hyper-arousal symptoms.

Antipsychotics

Risperidone is the main medication for dissociation, mood issues, and aggression issues while cyproheptadine, a serotonin antagonist, helps with sleep disorders and nightmares.

Atypical antidepressants

Nefazodone works with sleep disturbance symptoms, secondary depression, anxiety, and sexual dysfunction symptoms. Trazodone reduces or eliminates problems with anger, anxiety, and disturbed sleep.

Beta Blockers 

Propranolol has demonstrated possibilities in reducing hyper-arousal symptoms, including sleep disturbances – but the jury’s out.

Benzodiazepines

PTSD13These drugs are not recommended by clinical guidelines for the treatment of PTSD due to a lack of evidence of benefit. Nevertheless, some doctors use benzodiazepines with caution for short-term anxiety relief of hyper-arousal and sleep disturbance, and believe that the use of benzodiazepines is proper for acute stress, as this group of drugs promotes dissociation and ulterior revivals. While benzodiazepines can alleviate acute anxiety, there is no consistent evidence that they can stop the development of PTSD, or are at all effective in the treatment of posttraumatic stress disorder.

Additionally, benzodiazepines may reduce the effectiveness of psychotherapeutic interventions, and there’s some evidence that benzodiazepines contribute to the development and chronification of PTSD. Other drawbacks include the risk of developing a benzodiazepine dependence and withdrawal syndrome. Additionally, individuals with PTSD are at an increased risk of abusing benzodiazepines.

Glucocorticoids

High-dose corticosterone administration was recently found to reduce ‘PTSD-like’ behaviours in a rat models. In this study, corticosterone impaired memory performance, suggesting that it may reduce risk for PTSD by interfering with consolidation of traumatic memories. The neurodegenerative effects of the glucocorticoids, however, may prove this treatment counterproductive.

That’s great lab-rat stuff which I’m not going to try myself. However, the next stuff is something that I think ‘where’s there’s smoke – there’s fire”.

Cannabis

PTSD14There’s a study underway between a University and one of Canada’s largest producers of medicinal cannabis, suggesting that the active ingredients in marihuana – tetrahydrocannabinol and cannabinoids – may be very effective in reducing PTSD symptoms. Many PTSD sufferers self-medicate through black-market cannabis and swear by it. It’ll be interesting to see this clinical study’s results.

Support groups

PTSD15Support groups definitely help. Here people share experiences and learn from others. Connecting with people who understand what the sufferer goes through is probably the most effective form of treatment and this leads to identifying other forms of treatment such as medication and psychological intervention.

PTSD awareness is much greater in the twenty-first century, but the disorder is long known and buried. Historically they called it battle fatigue, shell-shock, and the thousand-yard stare. Soldiers were actually shot by their own command for perceived cowardness. I’ll bet the majority weren’t afraid – they were just suffering a nasty bitch of a disorder.

PTSD16On a personal note – looking back – I believe my dad suffered from PTSD. He was a gunner on a RCAF Lancaster bomber during World War II; the veteran of 113 operational runs. If that doesn’t do something to the psyche, I don’t know what would. I remember him sitting for long periods… on a big flat rock in our yard… in that thousand-yard stare… until his cigarette… burned down to his fingers… and snapped him back to reality.

After nearly six decades of life experience and being exposed to more traumatic life & death exposures than I can count, I can’t say that I’ve experienced PTSD.

Grief, yes. Compassion; in spades. Fear – I’ve been absolutely shit-scared, bewildered, and abhorred; being down on my belly under gunfire and questioning the existence and authority of Infinite Intelligence. But I’ve never experienced guilt and I don’t know much about it. Guilt seems like an evil, degenitive force who’s metaphysical purpose is to destruct. A lot more needs to be known about the psychological effects of guilt.

I think guilt is the nasty bitch in PTSD and I think that guilt walks hand-in-hand with shame.

Post-Traumatic Stress Disorder is a complex mix of psychological, physiological, and metaphysical workings and it’s nothing to be guilty about or ashamed of. It’s a naturally-occurring, mental illness. With proper support and effective treatment, PTSD sufferers can fully recover.

Remember, PTSD isn’t about what’s wrong. It’s about what’s happened.

Please leave your comments, ask questions, or tell about your experiences. It’s okay to talk about PTSD and raising awareness is the best form of treatment… and prevention.

I’M TAKING CRAZY BACK!

Sarah Fader is my friend. We share mental illness. Sarah suffers it and she talks to me. I try to understand and support her. Both of us know there’s nothing crazy about having a mental illness. 

sarah12Hi, my name is Sarah Fader and I have mental illness. I have lived with panic disorder and depression for my entire adult life. I began having panic attacks as a teenager and they continued into adulthood.

I am a mother of two beautiful children. I am a sister, a daughter, a friend, and a human being. I am a survivor, a warrior, a writer, a poet, an actor, and an artist. I am many things, but I am not crazy.

Crazy is a derogatory word.

sarah3Crazy is a curse word in my book, which I have yet to write. Do not call me crazy. Call me brave, call me scared, call me Sarah, but do not call me “crazy,” because I’m not. I’m Sarah, and I’m a multitude of other adjectives that do not include that word.

sarah5I am your neighbor. I am sitting next to you on the train. I am talking to you in the grocery store. I am smiling at you as we pass one another on the street. I am just like everyone else you meet.

Only I’m not, because I am living with a significant mental illness that challenges me every day.

AFP6E1My mental illness is like an annoying neighbor who won’t get the hint when you want her to go home. My mental illness is my nemesis. It fools me. It tells me that I’m worthless. It tells me to give up. It tells me to stop. Go no further. Don’t do that, don’t succeed. You are not enough. You are not worthy.

I fight those thoughts every day.

sarah7But here’s the thing. Someone you are sitting next to in a coffee shop is just like me, but they won’t tell you that. Mentally ill people are living among us. They are just silenced continually by our society. 

So stop.

Look around you.

And know…

that if you have been called crazy… you are not alone…

I am standing beside you waving my freak flag high.

Because I’m taking crazy back.

You can’t have it anymore.

There is no crazy… only human.

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1962693_10152595512680278_1852829723_nSarah Fader is the creator of the popular parent-life blog Old School /New School Mom. Here’s her website:  oldschoolnewschoolmom.com. 

Sarah is a native New Yorker who enjoys naps, talking to strangers, and caring for her two small humans and two average-sized cats. Additionally, like about six million other American adults, Sarah lives with panic disorder.

SarahSigma10She writes for Psychology Today on her column Panic Life and has been featured on The Huffington Post, Good Day NY, and HuffPost Live. She is currently leading the Stigma Fighters campaign which gives individuals with mental illness a platform to share their personal stories.

Through Stigma Fighters, Sarah hopes to show the world that there is a diverse array of real, everyday people behind mental illness labels.

Check out Stigma Fighters at www.stigmafighters.com .

Here’s Sarah’s personal website oldschoolnewschoolmom.com

Follow Sarah on Twitter @osnsmon